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A Prehistory of Crime and Law Enforcement
in England
By
Karen Adelman
Through most of its history, London has been a center
of great economic activity and a commercial giant. In the 16th century,
England, and especially London, saw a great population increase, largely
among the poorest classes. Because of this influx of people, the demographic
of poor vagrants grew enormously and became somewhat of a threat to more
affluent members of society. It was at this time that petty crimes such
as purse snatching became the overwhelming proportion of all crimes committed.
The government's awareness of this problem is reflected in the enactment
of the first vagrancy laws in the middle of the 16th century.(1) However,
in the Elizabethan era, England was far from a police state. There was
no government sponsored law enforcement agency aside from some provincial
constables, who were volunteers and largely ineffective. If someone committed
a crime against another individual, the victim of the crime would have
to bring the accused before a jury himself, and would act as the prosecutor:
this is what made the English judiciary system one of private prosecution
and little government intervention. The government didn't force anyone
to prosecute, and certainly did not provide any legal assistance for victims
or defendants. Victims would often not bring crimes to a jury, especially
if they could obtain an out-of-court settlement, since actually prosecuting
a crime could be very costly.(2) Since prosecution of crimes was
the only way for the government to punish criminals, certain incentives
were instituted, such as prosecutorial bonuses, in an attempt to make
the prosecution of crimes more appealing to victims. Neighbors who wanted
protection from crimes joined "prosecution associations," a
group of people who paid dues that would be used to pay prosecution fees
in the event that one of the members was a victim of a crime. However,
members in the association were actually bound to go through with prosecution
should the need arise. Since names within these associations were made
public, criminals were less likely to target them if they knew they would
definitely prosecute. Thousands of these associations were formed in the
18th and early 19th century.(3)
The bulk of crimes that were committed in England during
the 17th and 18th centuries were those that fall under the category of
minor offenses, such as vagrancy or petty larceny (theft of property under
the value of a shilling). When convicted of a minor offense, most criminals
were subjected to punishments of public humiliation, such as the stocks
or whipping. Offenses that fell under the category of felonies were further
split up into two groups: those to which criminals could claim benefit
of clergy, and those to which they could not. The benefit of clergy originated
as a way for actual members of the clergy to transfer their sentencing
for capital offenses to the church court (which did not make use of the
death penalty). However, by the 18th century, benefit of clergy was extended
to all men (women were excluded from this right(4) ) who could read, and
in 1706, it was extended to all men regardless of literacy. The punishment
for serious offenses that could be pardoned due to benefit of the clergy
ended up being the mere branding of the man's thumb, since the benefit
of the clergy was intended to be used only once and the branding would
mark any man who had already used it. With the widening of the application
of the benefit of clergy came also the reduction of the church courts'
actual involvement in the cases. The result was a system where "a
defendant convicted of a capital felony could plead his clergy, be branded
on the thumb, and be sent home."(5) Since the branding was
often ignored and benefit of clergy was repeated for offenders, the only
real punishment incurred by such criminals was the period spent in jail
prior to conviction.
For the most serious of capital crimes, such as premeditated
murder, even the benefit of clergy could not save an offender, and the
resulting punishment was almost always hanging. However, hanging actually
occurred rather infrequently, since only a small percent of indicted criminals
were convicted, and many of those convicted were actually convicted of
a lesser crime. In addition to hanging, a system of transportation developed
on two different occasions, both for a lesser degree of punishment without
benefit of clergy and as a greater punishment even with benefit of clergy.
In 1663, merchants began paying sheriffs fees to carry felons to the New
World so that they could sell them into indentured servitude for a period
corresponding to their sentence in hopes of making a profit. However,
the value of some felons as servants was not as much as the cost to bring
them over, and some ended up in jails as temporary holding places.(6)
By the end of the 17th century, the American colonies were banning
transportation from reaching them. Transportation of criminals stalled
until 1718, when the government began actually paying merchants 3 shillings
per felon to be taken over to the New World and sold off. Now merchants
were eager to begin transportation again, and continued to do so until
the American Revolution interfered. While one solution was found in transportation
to Australia, some efforts were begun in England itself to use prisons
as punishments themselves.
At first, prisoners were put in large, old sailing ships
called "hulks" along the Thames. At first this was also meant
to be a temporary holding place, as the premise of a ship was that it
would eventually sail to Australia, carrying prisoners who were to be
transported, but a great number of prisoners stayed in the ships long
enough to finish their sentences on them. The conditions on these ships
and also in the local prisons were so filthy and disgusting that "jail
fever" killed not only many prisoners, but also some jailers and
even prosecutors or judges.(7) The reformer John Howard extensively
documented these conditions in his 1777 book, The State of the Prisons
in England and Wales. These dangerous conditions, coupled with frustration
with the unsatisfactory punishments of the former penal system, led to
the institution and control of prisons by the central government. In 1822,
Sir Robert Peel became the Home Secretary and began a five-year effort
that would reform the prison system immensely. Peel introduced new acts
that provided minimum standards of living and inspection criteria for
prisons that were operated both locally and centrally.(8)
Sir Robert Peel was also responsible for the creation
of the Metropolitan Police Force, the first bureaucratic police force
in England. The Metropolitan Police Force's jurisdiction was limited to
the London metropolitan area, and they were a largely preventative body
of officers. They were required to remain in uniform and could not take
extra fees for solving crimes, unlike the original constables, also known
as the "stipendiary police." They would solve individual crimes
and get paid by the victims. The Metropolitan Police Force had a fixed
salary and was the inspiration for all further English police forces.
The people at first resented these new constables as infringements on
English social and political life, but they did have a noticeable effect
on the dropping of crime rates. The police were trained to be passive,
impersonal, and professional, and their means of crime prevention came
almost solely from visible patrol. While these prevention tactics did
help lower crime rates, they did nothing to solve crimes that they could
not prevent. In 1842, the Metropolitan Police Force created the criminal
investigative division (CID) which was largely made up of old stipendiary
police officers who had experience in solving crimes. However, these investigators
found it difficult to be satisfied with the fixed salary of a police officer,
since they were used to taking extra fees from the victims of the crimes.
Corruption eventually overran the CID until it was disbanded in 1877 and
later reorganized. Overall, however, the Metropolitan Police Force was
successful, especially in its peaceful handling of street riots, and in
1856, Parliament ordered all provinces in England to create their own
police force.
Before the end of the 19th century, England had shifted
completely away from the individual nature of private prosecution and
decentralized police. The reformation of the prison system and punishments
for offenders signified a sense of humanity when dealing even with criminals,
and the formation of a nation-wide police forces marked a recognition
by the government of responsibility for the safety of the citizens.
Notes:
1. J. A. Sharpe, Crime in Early Modern England, 1550 - 1750 (Essex,
Addison Wesley Longman, 1984), p. 24.
2. The prosecutor would have to pay court fees, possibly provide
shelter for witnesses, and even pay a fine if the accused was found not
guilty.
3. David Friedman, "Making Sense of English Law Enforcement
in the 18th Century," http://www.daviddfriedman.com/Academic/England_18thc./England_18thc.html.
4. "Crime and Punishment in Elizabethan England," EyeWitness
- history through the eyes of those who lived it, www.ibiscom.com (2001).
5. Friedman, "Making Sense."
6. Ibid.
7. Encyclopaedia Britannica, volume 16 (15th edition, 1993), p.
810
8. In 1877, all local prisons in England and Wales were assimilated
into one uniform prison system, controlled by the Prison Commission.
Sources:
1. Crime and Punishment in Elizabethan England. EyeWitness - history through
the eyes of those who lived it (2001). <http://www.ibiscom.com/punishment.htm>
2. Early and Modern European Crime and Justice: Criminals and Law in Europe's
History. © 2002 by About, Inc. < http://europeanhistory.about.com/cs/crimeandjustice/>
3. Edwards, Amy, and Richard Hurley. Prisons Over Two Centuries. Home
Office, 1782-1982. © Crown Copyright 1997
4. Friedman, David. "Making Sense of English Law Enforcement in the
18th Century." U of Chicago Roundtable. < http://www.daviddfriedman.com/Academic/England_18thc./England_18thc.html>
5. Gaskill, Malcolm. Crime and Mentalities in Early Modern England. Cambridge:
University Press, 2000.
6. Low, Donald A. Theives' Kitchen: The Regency Underworld. London: J.M.
Dent & Sons Ltd., 1982.
7. Salgado, Gamini. The Elizabethan Underworld. New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1992.
8. Sharpe, J.A. Crime in Early Modern England, 1550-1750. Essex: Addison
Wesley Longman, 1984.
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