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Abraham Streep 3/12/00
A Social Pre-History: Vienna up to 1848
Urban Status Quo
The Austrian capital of Vienna was created with the intention of
exhibiting and protecting the power of the imperial Hapsburg family.
This city was, for most of the history of modern Europe, the ultimate
symbol of absolutism and conservatism. Any attempts at social reform
were made by the rulers of Vienna; this city’s early changes were
not brought about by uprisings of the people. London and Paris,
the two capitals that stood alongside Vienna as the exemplars for
European civilization, were at times severely altered by dynamic
urban social movements. The only Austrian lower-class attempts for
change took place in the countryside, away from the looming, beautiful
walls of conservative Old Vienna. The history of the Austrian Hapsburgs
is riddled with wars and transfers of power, wealth, and land. Yet,
alteration of the domestic class infrastructure was not attempted
within the walls of picturesque, noble, magnificent Vienna; as times
changed and other societies moved towards modernism, Austria, and
especially her capital remained in a time warp, holding onto her
conservative, elitist heritage. Conservative rulers, the Catholic
church and an uptight, unflinching aristocracy loathed the idea
of social change and made it virtually impossible for anti-elitist
sentiment to spread, even during times when the Hapsburgs were laid
weak and poor by conflict with opposing nations or Hungary and the
Holy Roman Empire, the restless regions that were traditionally
under Hapsburg rule. The physical construction of the city, and
its odd, clear cut structural divisions, made such an immovable,
authoritarian state possible. The dominance of the ruler and the
upper class remained intact until the mid-nineteenth century, when
centuries of immobility and frustration were finally given voice
by a new, continent wide wave of liberal thought. Yet until 1848,
change brought about from below was unattainable in Vienna.
The physical layout of Vienna provides the clearest evidence of
and reason for the social stagnancy of the Austrian state. In most
cities the poor, working class areas are situated in cramped neighborhoods,
referred to nowadays as the inner city. In Vienna this was not the
case; the city seemed to be constructed backwards by modern standards,
with the monarch and the high aristocracy enclosed by a fortified
wall, and the classes becoming poorer and poorer the further they
were from the center of town. The reason for this setup lies in
the history of the ancient Austro-Turkish wars. Old Vienna was enclosed
by a fortified wall that protected her from the raids of the Ottoman
Turks. (Fin de Siecle Vienna, 27) When the Turkish threat passed,
however, the Hapsburg monarchy did not take down Vienna’s protection.
While other nations took down their geographically limiting fortifications
in order to allow for urban growth, Vienna kept up a physical barrier
that distinguished her, and all of her aristocratic splendor, from
the outside world. The city grew, but the inner city remained unchanged.
A “broad glacis”, a sort of circular buffer zone of unsettled field
distanced the inner city from the growing suburbs and the working
class.(Fin de Siecle Vienna, 27) The glacis only provided further
separation between classes and inaccessibility to wealth for the
proletariat. This arrangement, along with the statues and monuments
honoring various absolutist Hapsburg rulers, must have been very
intimidating for those who were not born into the rich Viennese
inner circle. One can see how the early, pre-bourgeois and Ringstrasse
city’s odd, backwards structure would foster an environment unfriendly
to social mobility.
None of the minute social change that did occur in Vienna before
1848 was brought about by the lower classes; all alterations and
movements were brought about from above. Although Vienna’s surrounding
growing manufacturing regions were clearly separate, distanced,
and inferior to the inner city, the outside regions had no self-rule;
they were directly governed by the Hapsburg government, with no
local intermediaries. The outside suburbs were not only separate
and inferior: they were separate, inferior, and dominated. The inner
city and its surrounding glacis was called the “first Bezrik”. The
first ring of suburbs, inhabited mostly by the growing bourgeoisie
class of artisans and manufacturers was called the “Vorstadt”. (The
City as a Work of Art, 151) The furthest areas fell under the classification
of “Voront”. The southern and southeastern suburbs were inhabited
by the real proletariat working classes; these regions could never
have been identified with the same city that was home to the prestigious
Herrengasse street. Although the classes were for the most part
divided along these seemingly ridiculous, feudal lines, each area
was somewhat integrated within itself, and over time some of the
regional distinctions dissipated slightly. Yet, even this integration
was brought about from above. For instance, some of the nobles of
the inner city desired summer palaces, so they would build lavish
homes in the outstanding suburbs. These palaces would mix the classes
to some extent, although for the most part the nobles succeeded
in pushing the workers further away from the city walls when they
bought residences in the suburbs. Another example of change being
brought about from above can be seen in the development of the Ringstrasse,
the court that eventually replaced the empty glacis. Joseph II,
who ruled at the end of the eighteenth century, held some democratic
ideals and was called the “people’s ruler”, developed the empty,
dividing land into a court that could have brought inner and outer
Vienna together. However, his actions were not brought about by
lower class desire for change or vocal protest; the ruler initiated
the construction of the Ringstrasse on his own. This area ended
up becoming home to the new aristocracy and an area uninhabited
by lower and middle class citizens. It provided art, theater and
entertainment for the upper classes, and served to unite the upper
and lower nobility. (The City as a Work of Art, 153) The only changes
that occurred within the city were brought about by the upper classes,
and they did little to serve the interests of the poorer peoples.
A 1914 study of the living condition of Viennese workers revealed
that three quarters of all flats consisted of one room, a tiny kitchen,
and possibly another small room. (The City as a Work of Art, 181)
Vienna’s geography and social history make abundantly clear the
source of the urban frustration that led to the revolution of 1848.
The monarchy, the clergy and the aristocracy were the forces of
conservatism that dominated, and froze Austria’s social structure
for hundreds of years. If there was ever any lower class discontent
it was fiercely crushed by all three groups, and if the monarch
ever attempted to facilitate any change that would allow for some
national monetary equality and economic growth, he or she was prevented
from doing so by the other two powerful groups (especially the clergy
in the earlier centuries). The resulting legacy of conservatism
that was left by the Austrian elite was like no other in the world.
Since the middle ages the Austrian high nobility had been separating
itself from the less wealthy nobles. While the great feudal landowners
held their own estates and had sufficient capital to create steady
incomes independently, the lesser nobility had to depend upon the
state for money and opportunity.(The Austrian Achievement, 53) The
only method of advancing in early Austria was to go to a Catholic
school (even during the Reformation, the Hapsburg-Valois wars and
the Thirty Years War, when most German princes turned to Protestantism,
Austrian nobles would not turn on the Hapsburg monarchy and the
Catholic church) and then get a job working for the state. Advancement
could only be achieved through extreme loyalty to the state. The
state, in turn, repaid nobles for their loyalty with the tax dollars
that came almost exclusively from the working classes and peasants.
In fact, the clergy and nobility were exempt from most taxation,
with the peasants bearing most of the burden.(The Austrian Achievement,
41) After Protestant nobles were defeated at the 1620 Battle of
White Mountain during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648), the Catholic
monarchy and nobility rescinded all peasants’ rights. The farm workers’
possessions were legally put under control of their lords. This
for all intents and purposes reduced peasants to serfs. As rents
were raised between 1650 and 1740 (The Austrian Achievement, 41)
peasants fell into debt and had to borrow against future crops,
starting a cycle of debt that would carry on for years. Thus, it
is easy to see how the triple threat of the monarchy, the clergy
and the nobility could subjugate the lower classes for centuries;
peasants and workers were in no state to revolt.
The Austrian Hapsburgs suffered their share of international defeats
and were at times struggling for money, for the wealthy classes
were for all intents and purposes exempt from taxation. Yet, until
the revolution of 1848 the dynasty never lost control of its empire,
and its power was never challenged from within Austria’s boundary’s.
The monarchy was weak and beaten from the outside during the sixteenth
century Hapsburg Valois wars, the seventeenth century Thirty Years
War, the embarrassment of Aix-la-Chappelle (when the Hapsburgs lost
nearly all of their Italian Possessions), and the Seven Years War
with Prussia that ended in the loss of Silesia. Yet, during none
of these conflicts did the downtrodden Austrian masses attempt at
an uprising, or even gain any social mobility. The Thirty Years
War tore up the German and Austrian countrysides and ended in the
Hapsburgs granting religious self-determination to all German princes.(McKay,
Hill, Butler) This conflict showed the vulnerability of the Hapsburgs
and their fiercely Catholic tradition. Yet, while the Germans rebelled,
the Austrian masses remained settled, as they would for the next
two hundred years, and the 1660 recovery that followed the war helped
only the upper classes. Towns had been decimated by the emigration
of Protestants, so Austrian nobles became farmers and entrepreneurs
instead of feudal lords. The business was changed, but the class
structure was not. Another result of the Thirty Years War was the
growth of Austrian anti-semitism. This sentiment developed as a
result of a lack of wealth and a fear of poverty.(The Austrian Achievement,
47-48) In 1669 all Jews were expelled from Vienna. Thus, even though
the power of the monarchy was severely damaged by the war, there
was never any attempt at domestic social reform. If anything, class
distinctions were widened by the Thirty Years War, and an ethnic
distinction was created.
The latter part of the eighteenth century was the only period during
which reform was attempted. In 1766 there were some peasant revolts,
and although they were put down, the monarchy actually responded.
Maria Theresa, mother of Joseph II, put through some legislation
limiting the oppression of peasants.(The Austrian Achievement, 70)
This loosening of the monarchical grip probably led to some lower
class hope for change. At the same time the queen attempted to tax
the upper classes and clergy, much to the chagrin of the Austrian
elite. Joseph continued Maria Theresa’s somewhat liberal tradition,
issuing a Patent of Toleration in 1781 that gave the right to worship
to Lutherans, Calvinists, and members of the Greek Orthodox faith.(The
Austrian Achievement) The monarchy was slowly moving away from its
dependency upon the Catholic clergy, and slowly trying to level
class differences. During this time period there emerged somewhat
of an Austrian bourgeoisie, a class of artisans and middle class
workers. Throughout European history it has been made evident that
with the bourgeoisie comes the emergence of liberal public opinion
and dissatisfaction. Joseph allowed for some public dissent, and
allowed for some protest. This was the first time that the Austrian
monarchy had loosened its grasp on the lower classes enough to permit
dissension; it is interesting to note that once again all change
was brought about from above- had Joseph not proved himself to be
tolerant, there would definitely have been no peasant revolts. Public
action, and class dynamics once again depended on the ruler.
Unfortuanetely for the rising middle class and the liberal Austrian
thinkers there was a war with France in 1792 that ended all attempts
at social leveling. Once Joseph was no longer on the throne and
the government needed money for war the old Hapsburg conservatism
was back in a heartbeat. Peasants were stripped of the rights that
Joseph and Maria Theresa had granted them, and the upper classes
reacted violently and conservatively to all liberal thought. It
was not long before Metternich would come to power in Vienna, bringing
with him a mantle of conservatism that was to last for a half century.
The 1819 Carlsband Decrees would ban all dissension in universities
and newspapers, effectively shutting out the voice of the middle
and lower classes. The social pre-history of Austria and Vienna
was one of conservatism and suppression. The isolationist, closed
off, somewhat archaic physical situation of Vienna provided much
wealth and beauty, but for absolutely no social mobility. The stifling
dominance of the monarchy, the clergy and the aristocracy made Austria’s
social history a fairly simple one: the rich stayed rich and the
poor stayed poor, and there was nothing to be done about it. Vienna
was constructed as a monument to social conservatism, and it remained
that way for centuries. Neither foreign war nor domestic monetary
strife could topple the unmoving Viennese class structure. The result
was a pent up lower class frustration that would eventually turn
into a revolutionary spark: the early dominance of Austrian absolutism
actually brought about the downfall of the Hapsburgs.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
- Olsen, Donald J. The City as a Work of Art, 1986 Yale University.
- Schorske, Carl E. Fin-de-Siecle Vienna, politics and culture,
1961 Vintage Books.
- The Austrian Achievement, 1700-1800. The Fieldston School Library,
Bome Reserve Shelf.
- McKay, Hill, Butler. A History of Western Society, 5th Edition,
Volume C.
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